Donald Trump's Secretary Of State Pick Rex Tillerson Forged Ties With Putin Over Decades

December 14, 2016

Dec 14: When ExxonMobil chief executive Rex Tillerson showed up in June at the annual St. Petersburg international economic forum that is dubbed Russia's Davos, he was asked about the impact international sanctions on Russia were having on his company, which had abandoned ambitious drilling plans there.

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"It's a question for the government - if you find anyone from the U.S. government who's willing to answer this question," he replied to laughter from the audience of Western executives, who had been lavishing praise on their Russian hosts.

It was the first time in three years that Tillerson or most other chief executives had attended the confab, for the moment laying aside friction over Russia's abrupt annexation of Crimea and its backing of violent separatist forces in eastern Ukraine. Back in Washington, the State Department was not amused. State Department spokesman John Kirby commented that "most American companies understand" that taking part in the forum "sends the wrong message about the acceptability of Russia's actions."

Six months later, Tillerson's relationships with autocrats remain a source of friction after his surprise appointment by President-elect Donald Trump to be secretary of state. The ExxonMobil chief's ties to Russia have alarmed hawks in Congress, who vow to scrutinize Tillerson's good working relationship with President Putin and the latter's longtime confidante Igor Sechin, the chairman of the Russian petroleum giant Rosneft.

With his nomination, the 64-year-old Tillerson has been thrust into the long-standing U.S. foreign-policy divide separating those who value pragmatism and dealmaking, and those who attach greater importance to principles, human rights and democracy. This is a divide that cuts across both parties.

Should he be confirmed, Tillerson will no longer answer to the more than 93,000 shareholders of ExxonMobil but primarily to a single shareholder named Trump. And he will draw on views refined in industry, not diplomacy.

To fans of Tillerson, his relationship with Putin is a sign of his pragmatism, seeking advantage for his company with a blunt, straightforward style that has won respect abroad. Speaking to students from the Texas Tech business school last year, Tillerson said the reason "why I've been able to gain Vladimir Putin's trust" is "because throughout my career I've wanted people to view me as an honest person."

To his critics, however, Tillerson and ExxonMobil come across as arrogant and indifferent to Russia's record in Ukraine or Putin's harsh suppression of domestic opposition. The oil giant's vast enterprise spanning six continents and more than 50 nations has embraced a varied cast of national leaders, including the Saudi oil ministers, Equatorial Guinea's corrupt Teodoro Obiang Nguema, the autocratic government of Kazakhstan and the emir of Qatar.

These contrary views are in some ways connected. Edward Verona, who worked for ExxonMobil for two years and spent several more working in Moscow, said one reason Tillerson was respected in Moscow was because of the way the company dealt with Venezuela's then-president, the voluble Hugo Chávez. In 2007, Chávez had wanted to rewrite contract terms for companies operating in the country's vast, oil-rich Orinoco belt. Exxon said no, abandoning 2 percent of its worldwide reserves and winning arbitration court orders to freeze Venezuelan assets.

In the same way, Exxon exited Nigeria's Niger Delta after insurgents disputed operations there.

"You have to be willing to say, 'No, we aren't going to do it that way, we are going to do it this way; if we can't do it this way, we won't be here,' " Tillerson said about the company's strategy of keeping its Nigerian exploration to offshore areas, where it was safer.

"Rex Tillerson gained the respect of Russians, particularly Sechin and Putin, because he was prepared to stand up and push back when he felt his company was being treated unfairly," said Verona, now a senior adviser to McLarty Associates.

The fight coincided with efforts by Russia's Gazprom, a state-owned company, to horn its way into a Sakhalin Island project off eastern Russia that Tillerson had helped negotiate years earlier. ExxonMobil was able to navigate the dispute with help from Putin and Sechin. The project, built in extremely harsh conditions, remains one of the company's most lucrative, Tillerson has said.

Some of Exxon's perceived arrogance is rooted in the company's history as the largest of the corporations split off from the Standard Oil Trust, the enterprise built by John D. Rockefeller.

Tillerson was born in Wichita Falls, Texas, the son of a Boy Scout administrator. He still lists the rank of Eagle Scout on his resume; and has remained active in the organization. In 2012, he was instrumental in pushing the Boy Scouts board to admit openly gay youths.

His experience as a scout fit well into the company, which insisted on rules that were more detailed than most other oil companies.

In 1997, Exxon sent Tillerson, then a promising executive who had been in Yemen, to Moscow to "pick up the relationship and repair it," Tillerson later recalled. His predecessor had been kicked out of the country. Tillerson met six different prime ministers over the course of 14 months.

The last of those was Putin.

Nearly 15 years later in Sochi, Putin provided the blessing for what could become Exxon's largest Russian deal, a joint exploration agreement with Rosneft covering almost 190 million acres, almost halfway across the Arctic shoreline and covering nine time zones.

Speaking later at Texas Tech, Tillerson cited the Boy Scout motto and urged students to have honor and integrity.

"Those words mean a lot to me," Tillerson said. "And I can tell you they mean a lot in any culture." He added that "integrity is recognized by every government, every leader. It's the most valuable asset you have, your personal integrity."

But while Tillerson preaches the value of honesty and integrity, ExxonMobil has not shied away from doing what is good for its bottom line, which has made environmental groups and others suspicious of its aims.

While Tillerson has acknowledged human involvement in the warming of the globe and backed a carbon tax to deal with it, the oil giant has continued to fund groups such as the American Legislative Exchange Council, whose leading members have cast doubt on climate change or its urgency. The relationship contrasted with that of Shell, which also acknowledges climate change but dropped its membership of ALEC last year citing differences over the issue.

The company is also in the midst of a bitter fight with the attorneys general of New York and Massachusetts and with more than a dozen nongovernmental organizations that are looking at whether the oil giant failed to disclose what it knew 40 years ago about the damage fossil fuels were doing to the Earth's climate. The attorneys general issued broad subpoenas for internal Exxon documents, and the NGOs have encouraged them to consider bringing a fraud case similar to the one that extracted billions of dollars from tobacco companies years ago.

ExxonMobil has fought back, going to a Texas federal court near its headquarters and winning the judge's highly unusual backing for discovery on the attorneys general, including with regard to internal emails, to determine whether they were acting "in good faith."

The company also is scrutinizing individuals and organizations. The day after the presidential election, for example, the company hand-delivered a subpoena to Carroll Muffett, the head of the Center for International Environmental Law, a nonprofit organization focused on environmental and human rights issues.

"The subpoena is in fact a fishing expedition that goes far beyond any issue arguably before the Texas court," Muffett said in an email. "It is clear that Exxon is trying to leverage this case, outrageous as it is, to intimidate and silence its critics."

Another important piece of Tillerson's background is his engineering background. ExxonMobil has been widely seen as a place with a higher "EQ," for engineering quotient, than IQ, or intelligence quotient.

Even the EQ has failed from time to time. The Exxon Valdez oil-tanker accident spilled crude off the pristine coast of Alaska in 1989, and more recently company pipelines leaked in Montana's Yellowstone River and in Mayflower, Arkansas. The company has taken tough legal strategies in those instances, too, and it litigated the Valdez spill for 20 years.

Still, Tillerson draws on that engineering construct and has applied it to the problem of climate change.

"It's an engineering problem, and it has engineering solutions," he said at an event sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations in 2012.

As he looked back on his career during the Texas Tech event, Tillerson said that he views the company's oil and gas operation on Sakhalin Island - an area beset by poverty, seismic instability, long icebound winters and 100-foot waves in the summer - as one of his crowning achievements.

It might look easy compared to being secretary of state.

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News Network
April 11,2024

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Real estate tycoon Truong My Lan was sentenced Thursday to death by a court in Ho Chi Minh city in southern Vietnam in the country's largest financial fraud case ever, state media Thanh Nien said.

It's a rare verdict - she is one of very few women in Vietnam to be sentenced to death for a white collar crime, i.e. looting one of the country's largest banks over a period of 11 years.

The decision is a reflection of the dizzying scale of the fraud. Truong My Lan was convicted of taking out $44bn (£35bn) in loans from the Saigon Commercial Bank. The verdict requires her to return $27bn, a sum prosecutors said may never be recovered. Some believe the death penalty is the court's way of trying to encourage her to return some of the missing billions.

The habitually secretive communist authorities were uncharacteristically forthright about this case, going into minute detail for the media. They said 2,700 people were summoned to testify, while 10 state prosecutors and around 200 lawyers were involved.

The evidence was in 104 boxes weighing a total of six tonnes. Eighty-five defendants were tried with Truong My Lan, who denied the charges.

"There has never been a show trial like this, I think, in the communist era," says David Brown, a retired US state department official with long experience in Vietnam. "There has certainly been nothing on this scale."

The trial was the most dramatic chapter so far in the "Blazing Furnaces" anti-corruption campaign led by the Communist Party Secretary-General, Nguyen Phu Trong.

A conservative ideologue steeped in Marxist theory, Nguyen Phu Trong believes that popular anger over untamed corruption poses an existential threat to the Communist Party's monopoly on power. He began the campaign in earnest in 2016 after out-manoeuvring the then pro-business prime minister to retain the top job in the party.

 The campaign has seen two presidents and two deputy prime ministers forced to resign, and hundreds of officials disciplined or jailed. Now one of the country's richest women has joined their ranks.

Truong My Lan comes from a Sino-Vietnamese family in Ho Chi Minh City, formerly Saigon. It has long been the commercial engine of the Vietnamese economy, dating well back to its days as the anti-communist capital of South Vietnam, with a large, ethnic Chinese community.

She started as a market stall vendor, selling cosmetics with her mother, but began buying land and property after the Communist Party ushered in a period of economic reform, known as Doi Moi, in 1986. By the 1990s, she owned a large portfolio of hotels and restaurants.

Although Vietnam is best known outside the country for its fast-growing manufacturing sector, as an alternative supply chain to China, most wealthy Vietnamese made their money developing and speculating in property.

All land is officially state-owned. Getting access to it often relies on personal relationships with state officials. Corruption escalated as the economy grew, and became endemic.

By 2011, Truong My Lan was a well-known business figure in Ho Chi Minh City, and she was allowed to arrange the merger of three smaller, cash-strapped banks into a larger entity: Saigon Commercial Bank.

Vietnamese law prohibits any individual from holding more than 5% of the shares in any bank. But prosecutors say that through hundreds of shell companies and people acting as her proxies, Truong My Lan actually owned more than 90% of Saigon Commercial.

They accused her of using that power to appoint her own people as managers, and then ordering them to approve hundreds of loans to the network of shell companies she controlled.

The amounts taken out are staggering. Her loans made up 93% of all the bank's lending.

According to prosecutors, over a period of three years from February 2019, she ordered her driver to withdraw 108 trillion Vietnamese dong, more than $4bn (£2.3bn) in cash from the bank, and store it in her basement.

That much cash, even if all of it was in Vietnam's largest denomination banknotes, would weigh two tonnes.

She was also accused of bribing generously to ensure her loans were never scrutinised. One of those who was tried used to be a chief inspector at the central bank, who was accused of accepting a $5m bribe.

The mass of officially sanctioned publicity about the case channelled public anger over corruption against Truong My Lan, whose fatigued, unmade-up appearance in court was in stark contrast to the glamorous publicity photos people had seen of her in the past.

But questions are also being asked about why she was able to keep on with the alleged fraud for so long.

"I am puzzled," says Le Hong Hiep who runs the Vietnam Studies Programme at the ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore.

"Because it wasn't a secret. It was well known in the market that Truong My Lan and her Van Thinh Phat group were using SCB as their own piggy bank to fund the mass acquisition of real estate in the most prime locations.

"It was obvious that she had to get the money from somewhere. But then it is such a common practice. SCB is not the only bank that is used like this. So perhaps the government lost sight because there are so many similar cases in the market."

David Brown believes she was protected by powerful figures who have dominated business and politics in Ho Chi Minh City for decades. And he sees a bigger factor in play in the way this trial is being run: a bid to reassert the authority of the Communist Party over the free-wheeling business culture of the south.

"What Nguyen Phu Trong and his allies in the party are trying to do is to regain control of Saigon, or at least stop it from slipping away.

"Up until 2016 the party in Hanoi pretty much let this Sino-Vietnamese mafia run the place. They would make all the right noises that local communist leaders are supposed to make, but at the same time they were milking the city for a substantial cut of the money that was being made down there."

At 79 years old, party chief Nguyen Phu Trong is in shaky health, and will almost certainly have to retire at the next Communist Party Congress in 2026, when new leaders will be chosen.

He has been one of the longest-serving and most consequential secretary-generals, restoring the authority of the party's conservative wing to a level not seen since the reforms of the 1980s. He clearly does not want to risk permitting enough openness to undermine the party's hold on political power.

But he is trapped in a contradiction. Under his leadership the party has set an ambitious goal of reaching rich country status by 2045, with a technology and knowledge-based economy. This is what is driving the ever-closer partnership with the United States.

Yet faster growth in Vietnam almost inevitably means more corruption. Fight corruption too much, and you risk extinguishing a lot of economic activity. Already there are complaints that bureaucracy has slowed down, as officials shy away from decisions which might implicate them in a corruption case.

"That's the paradox," says Le Hong Hiep. "Their growth model has been reliant on corrupt practices for so long. Corruption has been the grease that that kept the machinery working. If they stop the grease, things may not work any more."

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News Network
April 14,2024

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New Delhi: A 24-year-old student from India was shot dead inside a car in Canada's South Vancouver, the local police have said. The Vancouver Police in a statement said Chirag Antil, 24, was found dead inside a vehicle in the area after neighbours reported hearing gunshots.

"Officers were called to East 55th Avenue and Main Street around 11 pm on April 12 after residents heard the sound of gunshots. Chirag Antil, 24, was found deceased inside a vehicle in the area. No arrests have been made, and the investigation remains ongoing," the police said.

Chirag Antil's brother Ronit told reporters that Chirag seemed happy when they spoke on the phone in morning. Chirag later took out his Audi to go somewhere. That was when he was shot dead.

The Congress students' wing National Students' Union of India chief Varun Choudhary in a post on X tagging the Ministry of External Affairs requested for assistance to the student's family.

"Urgent attention regarding the murder of Chirag Antil, an Indian student in Vancouver, Canada. We urge the Ministry of External Affairs to closely monitor the progress of the investigation and ensure that justice is swiftly served," Mr Choudhary said.

"Additionally, we request the ministry to extend all necessary support and assistance to the family of the deceased during this difficult time," he said.

Chirag Antil's family is raising money through the crowdfunding platform GoFundMe to repatriate his body to India, local media reported.

Haryana resident Romit Antil, the brother of Chirag Antil, told CityNews that he was a kind-hearted person.

"My brother and I had a great relationship. We used to talk every day, day and night. I spoke to him last before the accident happened. He was kind of happy, he never had any issues or fights with anyone, ever. He was an extremely polite person," Romit Antil told CityNews.

Chirag Antil came to Vancouver in September 2022. He just finished MBA at University Canada West, and recently got his work permit.

Here are 5 facts about Chirag Antil

1.    Chirag Antil was a resident of Sonipat, Haryana.
2.    He was the youngest son of Mahavir Antil, a retired employee of the Sugar Mill Department of the Haryana Government.
3.    Chirag moved to Vancouver in 2022 to pursue higher studies at the University Canada West (UCW), in British Columbia.
4.    After completing his MBA, he started working at a company in Canada after getting a work permit.
5.    Chirag's brother Ronit shared in an interview that his younger sibling was a "kind-hearted" person. "I spoke to him last before the accident happened," he said and added that Chirag sounded "happy".

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